The politics of Turkey takes place in a framework of a presidential republic, whereby the President of Turkey is the head of government and the head of state who holds executive powers to issue executive decrees, appoint judges and heads of state institutions.
Turkey’s political system is based on a separation of powers. Executive power is exercised by the Council of Ministers. Legislative power is vested in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. The judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature. Its current constitution was adopted on 7 November 1982 after the Turkish constitutional referendum. A major reform was passed in Parliament in 21 January 2017 and approved by referendum the following April reinforcing the role of the president.
The function of head of state and head of government is performed by the president (Cumhurbaşkanı). A president is elected every four years on the principle of universal suffrage according to the current constitution. The president does not have to be a member of parliament, but he/she must be over 40 years old and hold a bachelor’s degree. The current president Recep Tayyip Erdogan was directly elected in the 2018 presidential election. Executive power rests with the president and the Council of Ministers. Most ministers are members of Parliament. (Kemal Derviş‘s 17 months’ tenure in 2001-’02 as Minister of Economic Affairs was one exception.). The President of Turkey is the leader of the cabinet. The current holder of the position is Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of the Justice and Development Party (AKP).
Legislative power is invested in the 600-seat Grand National Assembly of Turkey (Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi), representing 81 provinces. The members are elected for a four-year term by mitigated proportional representation with an election threshold of 10%. To be represented in Parliament, a party must win at least 10% of the national vote in a national parliamentary election. Independent candidates may run, and to be elected, they must only win enough to get one seat. The threshold is set to be reduced.
The political system of Turkey is highly centralized. However, as a member state of the Council of Europe, Turkey is under an obligation to implement the European Charter of Local Self-Government. In its 2011 report, the Monitoring Committee of the Council of Europe found fundamental deficits in implementation, in particular administrative tutelage and prohibition of the use of languages other than Turkish in the provision of public services.
The freedom and independence of the judicial system is protected within the constitution. There is no organization, person, or institution which can interfere in the running of the courts, and the executive and legislative structures must obey the courts’ decisions. The courts, which are independent in discharging their duties, must explain each ruling on the basis of the provisions of the Constitution, the laws, jurisprudence, and their personal convictions.
The Judicial system is highly structured. Turkish courts have no jury system; judges render decisions after establishing the facts in each case based on evidence presented by lawyers and prosecutors. For minor civil complaints and offenses, justices of the peace take the case. This court has a single judge. It has jurisdiction over misdemeanors and petty crimes, with penalties ranging from small fines to brief prison sentences. Three-judge courts of first instance have jurisdiction over major civil suits and serious crimes. Any conviction in a criminal case can be taken to a court of Appeals for judicial review.
Most courts are open to the public. When a case is closed to the public, the court has to declare the reason. Judge and prosecution structures are secured by the constitution. Except with their own consent, no judge or prosecutor can be dismissed, have his/her powers restricted, or be forced to retire. However, the retirement age restrictions do apply. The child courts have their own structure.
A judge can be audited for misconduct only with the Ministry of Justice’s permission, in which case a special task force of justice experts and senior judges is formed.
The Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK) is the principal body charged with responsibility for ensuring judicial integrity, and determines professional judges acceptance and court assignments. Minister of justice, Sadullah Ergin is the natural head of the Council according to the current constitution.
Turkey adopted a new national “Judicial Networking System” (UYAP). The court decisions and documents (case info, expert reports, etc.) will be accessible via the Internet.
Turkey accepts the European Court of Human Rights‘ decisions as a higher court decision, provided they do not concern the occupation of northern Cyprus. Turkey also accepts as legally binding any decisions on international agreements.
There are several supreme courts with different subjects:
Yargıtay acts as the supreme court of judiciary tribunals (criminal and civil justice). Danıştay is the highest of administrative courts. Anayasa Mahkemesi examines the constitutionality of laws, decrees having the force of law (decret-loi), changes of parliamentary by-laws and several other acts of the parliament. Sayıştay (Court of Accounts) is the court which examines the incomes and expenses of the administrative bodies and which acts in the name of parliament. The Military Court of Cassation (Askeri Yargıtay) and The Military High Court of Administration (or the Supreme Military Administrative Court) (Askeri Yüksek İdare Mahkemesi) are the highest bodies to which appeals of decisions of military courts are to be made.
Since 1950, parliamentary politics has been dominated by conservative parties. Even the ruling AKP, although its core cadres come from the Islamist current, tends to identify itself with the “tradition” of the Democratic Party (DP). The leftist parties, the most notable of which is the Republican People’s Party (CHP), with a stable electorate, draw much of their support from big cities, coastal regions, professional middle-class, and minority groups such as Alevis.
Since Mustafa Kemal Atatürk founded the modern secular Republic of Turkey in 1923, the Turkish military has perceived itself as the guardian of Atatürkçülük, the official state ideology. The TAF still maintains an important degree of influence over Turkish politics and the decision making process regarding issues related to Turkish national security, albeit decreased in the past decades, via the National Security Council.
The military has had a record of intervening in politics. Indeed, it assumed power for several periods in the latter half of the 20th century. It executed coups d’état in 1960, in 1971, and in 1980. Most recently, it maneuvered the removal of an Islamic-oriented prime minister, Necmettin Erbakan, in 1997.
On 27 April 2007, in advance of 4 November 2007 presidential election, and in reaction to the politics of Abdullah Gül, who has a past record of involvement in Islamist political movements and banned Islamist parties such as the Welfare Party, the army issued a statement of its interests. It said that the army is a party to “arguments” regarding secularism; that Islamism ran counter to the secular nature of the Turkish Republic, and to the legacy of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. The Army’s statement ended with a clear warning that the Turkish Armed Forces stood ready to intervene if the secular nature of the Turkish Constitution is compromised, stating that “the Turkish Armed Forces maintain their sound determination to carry out their duties stemming from laws to protect the unchangeable characteristics of the Republic of Turkey. Their loyalty to this determination is absolute.”
Contrary to outsider expectations, the Turkish populace is not uniformly averse to coups; many welcome the ejection of governments they perceive as unconstitutional. Members of the military must also comply with the traditions of secularism, according to the US Commission on International Religious Freedom report in 2008, members who performed prayers or had wives who wore the headscarf, have been charged with “lack of discipline”
Paradoxically, the military has both been an important force in Turkey’s continuous Westernization but at the same time also represents an obstacle for Turkey’s desire to join the EU. At the same time, the military enjoys a high degree of popular legitimacy, with continuous opinion polls suggesting that the military is the state institution that the Turkish people trust the most.
The economy of Turkey is defined as an emerging market economy by the IMF. Turkey is among the world’s developed countries according to the CIA World Factbook. Turkey is also defined by economists and political scientists as one of the world’s newly industrialized countries. Turkey has the world’s 17th-largest nominal GDP, and 13th-largest GDP by PPP. The country is among the world’s leading producers of agricultural products; textiles; motor vehicles, transportation equipment; construction materials; consumer electronics and home appliances.[
Since August 2018, Turkey has been going through a currency and debt crisis, characterised by the Turkish lira (TRY) plunging in value, high inflation, rising borrowing costs, and correspondingly rising loan defaults. The crisis was caused by the Turkish economy’s excessive current account deficit and foreign-currency debt, in combination with the ruling Justice and Development Party’s increasing authoritarianism and President Erdogan’s unorthodox ideas about interest rate policy.
Turkey has the world’s 17th-largest nominal GDP and 13th-largest GDP by PPP. The country is a founding member of the OECD (1961) and the G-20 major economies (1999). Since 1995, Turkey is a party to the European Union–Turkey Customs Union. The CIA classifies Turkey as a developed country. Turkey is often classified as a newly industrialized country by economists and political scientists; while Merrill Lynch, the World Bank, and The Economist describe Turkey as an emerging market economy. The World Bank classifies Turkey as an upper-middle income country in terms of the country’s per capita GDP in 2007. Mean graduate pay was $10.02 per man-hour in 2010. Turkey’s labour force participation rate of 56.1% is by far the lowest of the OECD states which have a median rate of 74%. According to a 2014 survey by Forbes magazine, Istanbul, Turkey’s financial capital, had a total of 37 billionaires in 2013, ranking 5th in the world. 2017 was the second consecutive year that saw more than 5.000 high net-worth individuals (HNWIs, defined as holding net assets of at least $1 million) leaving Turkey, reasons given as government crackdown on the media deterring investment, and loss of currency value against the U.S. dollar.
A longstanding characteristic of the economy of Turkey is a low savings rate. Since under the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey has been running huge and growing current account deficits, reaching $7.1 billion by January 2018, while the rolling 12-month deficit rose to $51.6 billion, one of the largest current account deficits in the world. The economy has relied on capital inflows to fund private-sector excess, with Turkey’s banks and big firms borrowing heavily, often in foreign currency. Under these conditions, Turkey must find about $200 billion a year to fund its wide current account deficit and maturing debt, always at risk of inflows drying up, having gross foreign currency reserves of just $85 billion.
Turkey has been meeting the “60 percent EU Maastricht criteria” for public debt stock since 2004. Similarly, from 2002 to 2011, the budget deficit decreased from more than 10 percent to less than 3 percent, which is one of the EU Maastricht criteria for the budget balance. In January 2010, International credit rating agency Moody’s Investors Service upgraded Turkey’s rating one notch. In 2012, credit ratings agency Fitch upgraded Turkey’s credit rating to investment grade after an 18-year gap, followed by a ratings upgrade by credit ratings agency Moody’s Investors Service in May 2013, as the service lifted Turkey’s government bond ratings to the lowest investment grade, Moody’s first investment-grade rating for Turkey in two decades and the service stated in its official statement that the nation’s “recent and expected future improvements in key economic and public finance metrics” was the basis for the ratings boost. In March 2018, Moody’s downgraded Turkey’s sovereign debt into junk status, warning of an erosion of checks and balances under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan In May 2018, credit ratings agency Standard & Poor’s cut Turkey’s debt rating further into junk territory, citing widening concern about the outlook for inflation amid a sell-off in the Turkish lira currency.
Share prices in Turkey nearly doubled over the course of 2009. On May 10, 2017, the Borsa Istanbul (BIST) 100 Index, the benchmark index of Turkey’s stock market, set a new record high at 95,735 points As of January 5, 2018, the Index reached 116,638 points. However, in the course of the 2018 Turkish currency and debt crisis, the index dipped back below 100.000 in May. In early June, the BIST-100 dropped to the lowest level in dollar terms since the global financial crisis in 2008.
In 2017, the OECD expected Turkey to be one of the fastest growing economies among OECD members during 2015-2025, with an annual average growth rate of 4.9 percent. In May 2018, Moody’s Investors Service lowered its estimate for growth of the Turkish economy in 2018 from 4 percent to 2.5 percent and in 2019 from 3.5 percent to 2 percent.
According to a 2013 Financial Times Special Report on Turkey, Turkish business executives and government officials believed the quickest route to achieving export growth lies outside of traditional western markets. While the European Union used to account for more than half of all Turkey’s exports, by 2013 the figure was heading down toward not much more than a third. However, by 2018 the share of exports going to the EU was back above fifty percent. Turkish companies’ foreign direct investment outflow has increased by 10 times over the past 15 years, according to the 2017 Foreign Investment Index.
With policies of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan fuelling the construction sector, where many of his business allies are active, Turkey as of May 2018 had around 2 million unsold houses, a backlog worth three times average annual new housing sales. The 2018 Turkish currency and debt crisis ended a period of growth under Erdoğan-led governments since 2003, built largely on a construction boom fueled by easy credit and government spending.
On August 10, 2018, Turkish currency lira nosedived following Trump’s tweet about doubling tariffs on Turkish steel and aluminum that day. The currency weakened 17% that day and has lost nearly 40% of its value against the dollar till that time. The crash of the lira has sent ripples through global markets, putting more pressure on the euro and increasing investors’ risk aversion to emerging-market currencies across the board. On Aug. 13, South Africa’s rand slumped nearly 10%, the biggest daily drop since June 2016. Lira crisis spotlighted deeper concerns about the Turkish economy that have long signaled turmoil long ago.
By the end of 2018, Turkey went into recession. The Turkish Statistical Institute claimed that the Turkish economy declined by 2.4% in the last quarter of 2018 as compared to the previous quarter. This followed a 1.6% drop the previous quarter. Lira shrank down to 30% against the US dollar in 2018.
In May 2019, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) released an economic outlook in which it is reported that Turkey’s economy will probably see a gradual recovery of growth to around 2.5 percent in 2020.
As of 2016, Turkey is the world’s largest producer of hazelnuts, cherries, figs, apricots, and pomegranates; the second-largest producer of quinces and watermelons; the third-largest producer of cucumbers, green peppers, lentils and pistachios; the fourth-largest producer of apples, tomatoes, eggplants, and olives; the fifth-largest producer of tea, chickpeas and sugar beet; the sixth-largest producer of almonds and onions; the seventh-largest producer of lemons, grapefruit, and cotton; and the eighth-largest producer of barley. Turkey has been self-sufficient in food production since the 1980s. In the year 1989, the total production of wheat was 16.2 million tonnes, and barley 3.44 million tonnes. The agricultural output has been growing at a respectable rate. However, since the 1980s, agriculture has been in a state of decline in terms of its share in the total economy. Turkish agriculture emits greenhouse gases and suffers from climate change in Turkey.
The country’s large agricultural sector accounted for 29.5% of the employment in 2009. Historically, Turkey’s farmers have been fairly fragmented. According to the 1990 census, “85% of agricultural holdings were under 10 hectares and 57% of these were fragmented into four or more non-contiguous plots.” Many old agricultural attitudes remain widespread. Turkey is dismantling the incentive system. Fertilizer and pesticide subsidies have been curtailed and remaining price supports have been gradually converted to floor prices. The government has also initiated many planned projects, such as the Southeastern Anatolia Project (G.A.P project). The program includes 22 dams, 19 hydraulic power plants, and the irrigation of 1.82 million hectares of land. The total cost of the project is estimated at $32 billion. The total installed capacity of power plants is 7476 MW and projected annual energy production reaches 27 billion kWh. The physical realization of G.A.P. was 72.6% as of 2010
The livestock industry, compared to the initial years of the Republic, showed little improvement in productivity, and the later years of the decade saw stagnation. However, livestock products, including meat, milk, wool, and eggs, contributed to more than 1⁄3 of the value of agricultural output. Fishing is another important part of the economy; in 2005 Turkish fisheries harvested 545,673 tons of fish and aquaculture.
The EU imported fruit and vegetables from Turkey worth €738.4 million up to September 2016, an increase of 21% compared to the same period in 2015, according to Eurostat data processed by FEPEX (Federación Española de Asociaciones de Productores). Turkey is the EU’s fourth largest non-EU vegetable supplier and the seventh largest fruit supplier. The European Commission had already started the formal process for extending the Customs Union Agreement to agricultural products, before European Union–Turkey relations deteriorated and efforts to extend and modernize the Customs Union Agreement came to a halt in 2018.
Olio Officina Globe reported 2016 olive statistics for Turkey: There are 180 million trees covering 700,000 hectares (1,700,000 acres) with a production of 500,000 tonnes (490,000 long tons; 550,000 short tons) of table olives and 300,000 tonnes (300,000 long tons; 330,000 short tons) of olive oil. Exports are 70,000 tonnes (69,000 long tons; 77,000 short tons) of table olives and 60,000 tonnes (59,000 long tons; 66,000 short tons) of olive oil a year. Edremit (Ayvalık) is the main variety in northern Turkey and Memecik in the south. Gemlik is a black table olive and other varieties are Büyük Topak, Ulak, Çakır, Çekişte, Çelebi, Çilli, Domat, Edincik Su, Eğriburun, Erkence, Halhalı, İzmir Sofralık, Kalembezi, Kan Çelebi, Karamürsel Su, Kilis Yağlık, Kiraz, Manzanilla, Memeli, Nizip Yağlık, Samanlı, Sarı Haşebi, Sarı Ulak, Saurani, Taşan Yüreği, Uslu, and Yağ Celebi.
In 2008 Turkey produced 1,225,400 motor vehicles, ranking as the fifth-largest producer in Europe (behind the United Kingdom and above Italy) and the twelfth-largest producer in the world.
The automotive industry is an important part of the economy since the late 1960s. The companies that operate in the sector are mainly located in the Marmara Region. With a cluster of car-makers and parts suppliers, the Turkish automotive sector has become an integral part of the global network of production bases, exporting over $22.94 billion worth of motor vehicles and components in 2008.
Turkey’s annual auto exports, including trucks and buses, surpassed 1 million units for the first time in 2016 as foreign automakers’ investment in new models and a recovery in its mainstay European market lifted shipments. According to industry group the Automotive Manufacturers Association, or OSD, Turkey exported 1.14 million units in 2016, up 15% from the year before. Auto exports hit a record high for the fourth straight year. Production grew 9% year on year in 2016 to 1.48 million units, setting a new record for the second consecutive year. Nearly 80% of vehicles produced in Turkey were exported.
Türkiye’nin siyaseti, cumhurbaşkanlığı cumhuriyeti çerçevesinde yer almakta olup, Türkiye Cumhurbaşkanı, devlet başkanlığı ve yürütme kararlarını vermek, yürütme yetkisine sahip olmak ve devlet kurumlarının başkanlarını atamak üzere devlet başkanıdır.
Türkiye’nin siyasi sistemi güçler ayrılığına dayanıyor. Yürütme yetkisi Bakanlar Kurulu tarafından kullanılır. Yasama yetkisi Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi’ne verilmiştir. Yargı yürütme ve yasama organından bağımsızdır. Mevcut anayasası, Türk anayasa referandumundan sonra 7 Kasım 1982’de kabul edildi. 21 Ocak 2017’de Parlamento’da büyük bir reform yapıldı ve cumhurbaşkanının rolünü güçlendiren bir sonraki Nisan ayında yapılan referandumla onaylandı.
Ekonomist İstihbarat Birimi, 2017 yılında Türkiye’yi “hibrit rejim” olarak derecelendirmiştir.
Devlet başkanı ve hükümet başkanı işlevi başkan tarafından yürütülür (Cumhurbaşkanı). Her dört yılda bir, mevcut anayasaya göre genel oy hakkı ilkesiyle bir başkan seçiliyor. Başkanın milletvekili olması gerekmez, ancak 40 yaşından büyük olması ve lisans derecesine sahip olması gerekir. Mevcut cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan 2018 cumhurbaşkanlığı seçimlerinde doğrudan seçildi. Yürütme yetkisi, başkan ve Bakanlar Kuruluna aittir. Çoğu bakan Parlamento üyesidir. (Kemal Derviş’in 2001 – ’02 yılları arasında Ekonomik İşler Bakanı olarak 17 aylık görev süresi bir istisna değildi.). Türkiye Cumhurbaşkanı kabinenin lideridir. Pozisyonun şu anki sahibi, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
Yasama yetkisi, 81 ilden oluşan 600 sandalyeli Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi’ne (Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi) yatırılıyor. Üyeler, dört yıllık bir süre için% 10’luk bir seçim eşiğiyle hafifletilmiş orantılı temsil yoluyla seçilir. Parlamentoda temsil edilmek için bir partinin ulusal parlamento seçimlerinde ulusal oyların en az% 10’unu kazanması gerekiyor. Bağımsız adaylar koşabilir ve seçilebilmeleri için yalnızca bir sandalye kazanabilecek kadar kazanmaları gerekir. Eşik düşürülecek şekilde ayarlanmıştır.
Türkiye’nin siyasal sistemi oldukça merkezileştirildi. Bununla birlikte, Avrupa Konseyi’nin bir üyesi olan Türkiye, Avrupa Yerel Özyönü Şartı’nı uygulamakla yükümlüdür. Avrupa Konseyi İzleme Komitesi, 2011 raporunda, uygulamada, özellikle idari vesayet ve kamu hizmetlerinde Türkçe dışındaki dillerin kullanılmasının yasaklanmasında uygulamada temel açıklar buldu.
Yargı sisteminin özgürlüğü ve bağımsızlığı anayasa kapsamında korunmaktadır. Mahkemelerin işleyişine müdahale edecek hiçbir örgüt, kişi veya kurum yoktur ve yürütme ve yasama yapıları mahkemelerin kararlarına uymak zorundadır. Görevlerini yerine getirmekten bağımsız olan mahkemeler, her bir kararı Anayasa hükümleri, yasalar, içtihat ve kişisel mahkumiyetleri temelinde açıklamalıdır.
Yargı sistemi oldukça yapılandırılmıştır. Türk mahkemelerinin jüri sistemi yoktur; hakimler, her durumda olayları belirttikten sonra avukatlar ve savcılar tarafından sunulan kanıtlara dayanarak kararlar verirler. Küçük sivil şikayetler ve suçlar için, barışın adaleti söz konusudur. Bu mahkemenin tek bir yargıcı var. Küçük para cezalarından kısa cezaevlerine kadar olan cezalarla, kabahatler ve küçük suçlar konusunda yetki sahibidir. İlk derece hakim üç hâkim mahkemesi, büyük hukuk davaları ve ağır suçlar konusunda yargı yetkisine sahiptir. Bir ceza davasında herhangi bir mahkumiyet adli inceleme için temyiz mahkemesine çıkarılabilir.
Çoğu mahkeme halka açıktır. Bir dava halka kapandığında, mahkemenin sebebini beyan etmesi gerekir. Hakim ve kovuşturma yapıları anayasa tarafından güvence altına alınmıştır. Kendi rızası dışında hiçbir yargıç veya savcı görevden alınamaz, yetkileri kısıtlanamaz veya emekli olmaya zorlanamaz. Ancak, emeklilik yaşı kısıtlamaları geçerlidir. Çocuk mahkemeleri kendi yapılarına sahiptir.
Bir yargıç, yalnızca Adalet Bakanlığı’nın izniyle yanlış davranış için denetlenebilir; bu durumda, adalet uzmanları ve kıdemli hakimlerden oluşan özel bir görev gücü oluşturulur.
Hakimler ve Savcılar Yüksek Kurulu (HSYK), yargı bütünlüğünün sağlanmasından sorumlu olan temel organdır ve mesleki hakimlerin kabulünü ve mahkeme görevlerini belirler. Adalet Bakanı Sadullah Ergin, mevcut anayasaya göre Konseyin doğal başkanı.
Türkiye yeni bir ulusal “Yargı Ağı Sistemi” (UYAP) kabul etti. Mahkeme kararlarına ve belgelerine (dava bilgisi, bilirkişi raporları vb.) İnternet üzerinden erişilebilecektir.
Türkiye, Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi kararlarını, kuzey Kıbrıs işgali ile ilgili değillerse, daha yüksek bir mahkeme kararı olarak kabul ediyor. Türkiye ayrıca uluslararası anlaşmalar üzerindeki kararları yasal olarak bağlayıcı olarak kabul etmektedir.